Showing posts with label Propaganda. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Propaganda. Show all posts

Tuesday, June 16, 2026

The West's 1,000-Year War on the Holy Land | Adnan Husain

In the West, the Crusades are typically discussed in the plural as a series of expeditions in which successive groups of Europeans traveled to the Holy Land, engaging in plunder, murder, conquest, and eventual return. Many in Europe and North America today regard such historical chapters as closed. Alongside colonialism and feudalism, the Crusades are seen as episodes from which the modern, civilized, liberal, democratic, and secular West has learned its lessons, and which no longer shape present-day conduct.
 
» The Crusades were a transformative force for Latin Christendom, a realm defined by its recognition of papal suzerainty. A coherent European identity emerged in tandem with the crusading movement, framed as an act of caritas—Christian charity—to protect Eastern Christians, a medieval prototype for the modern doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and humanitarian interventionism. «
However, between the 11th and 13th centuries, Latin Christendom became what can be termed a crusading society—a concept that reframes these events not merely as discrete military campaigns, but as a deeper ideological and societal transformation, one whose logic persists to this day, dressing up war and aggression in the language of "universal human rights," the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and humanitarian interventionism. 
 
Between 1095 and 1291, Latin Christendom organized nine major military mobilizations, accompanied by continuous preaching, financing, administration, and provisioning. Losses such as the County of Edessa prompted the Second Crusade, the fall of Jerusalem to Saladin in 1187 called forth the Third Crusade, and territorial ambitions contributed to the Fourth Crusade, which resulted in the sack of Orthodox Christian Constantinople in 1204. Subsequent expeditions, including the Fifth and the Seventh under Louis IX, followed in succession.
 
This sustained mobilization created a pervasive sense of emergency that reshaped the internal ordering of Christian society. Emphasis was placed on suppressing heresy, maintaining proper order, and purifying society from sin to explain military setbacks against Muslim resistance. The resulting paradigm led to persecutions of heretics, Jews, and conquered Muslim populations in regions such as Spain and Sicily. 
A 1954 painting by Said Tahsin, depicting the victorious Saladin alongside the defeated King of Jerusalem, Guy de Lusignan, following the Battle of Hattin in 1187. Saladin's victory and the subsequent fall of Jerusalem reverberated through the Vatican, striking the Normanic, Anglo-Saxon, Frankish, and Germanic nobility and clergy alike. This profound shock catalyzed the Third Crusade (1189–1192)—the storied 'Kings' Crusade'—spearheaded by monarchs such as Richard the Lionheart.
One illustrative case involved Frederick II’s relocation of Muslim populations from Sicily to the Italian peninsula, establishing the city of Lucera, which endured for sixty to seventy years before its liquidation under Angevin rule. Such actions reflect an internal ordering of Latin Christendom shaped by the pressures of expensive, often unsuccessful overseas wars and persistent resistance. Over two centuries, this experience played a formative role in shaping Western identity, politics, society, and culture.

Moment when the 81st Prince and Grand Master of the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of St. John of Jerusalem, of Rhodes and of Malta (SMOM), Fra’ John Dunlap, was awarded the King Charles III Coronation Medal on March 26, 2025. The Sovereign Military Order of Malta, represented by the Maltese Cross as a symbol of allegiance and membership, was founded in 1048 by direct descendants of Roman Emperors. Today, this crusading order constitutes a unique case in international law, as a non-territorial sovereign entity that nonetheless maintains full diplomatic relations, through embassies or similar diplomatic missions, with around 113 sovereign states, including, of course, since 1948, the genocidal settler-colonial State of Israel. Where's the beef in all of this? Who bankrolls SMOM, and for what? Answers for another day.
The Great Schism and the First Crusade
The Crusades occurred parallel to the Great Schism of the Christian Church, which differentiated Eastern and Western Christianity. Latin Christendom formed a commonwealth of states that recognized shared political legitimacy under the Catholic Church, while sharing theological foundations such as the Nicene Creed with the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire. Disputes over the filioque clause, the dating of Easter, and other liturgical matters contributed to the schism and mutual non-recognition.
 
 
» Destroy that vile race [the Muslims] from the lands of our friends [the Eastern Christians]. [...] Christ commands it. All who die by the way, whether by land or by sea, or in battle against the pagans, shall have immediate remission of sins. This I grant them through the power of God with which I am invested. O what a disgrace if such a despised race, which worships demons, should conquer a people which has the faith of omnipotent God and is made glorious with the name of Christ! «
Political necessities encouraged temporary rapprochement, yet clerical resistance on matters of principle preserved lasting separation between the churches. Historical alliances later emerged among Protestants, Orthodox Christians, Jews, and Muslims in opposition to medieval and early modern Catholic power.
 
Jerusalem, Holy War, and Motivations
A thousand years after the death of Jesus Christ, the drive to march eastward and secure Jerusalem under Christian dominance gained widespread popularity. At the time, West Asia was highly urbanized and integrated into extensive trading networks linking the Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean, and overland Asian routes. Its history of empires and kingdoms, position as a cultural crossroads, and role as the birthplace of writing, legal codes, and monotheistic religions made it a source of great prosperity and innovation.

In his book American Crusade (2020), Pete Hegseth, Iraq War veteran, Fox News commentator, and current US Secretary of War, portrays the current era as a "crusade moment" analogous to the 11th-century Christian campaigns to "defend the faith and the Holy Land." The book concludes with the phrase "Deus Vult" ("God wills it"), presented as a rallying cry for his fight. As a self-proclaimed fervent Christian Zionist, Hegseth has tattoos that include a large Jerusalem Cross (Crusader's Cross) on his chest and the phrase "Deus Vult" on his bicep.
Crusaders viewed Palestine as a biblical land of milk and honey, rich in wealth that rightly belonged under Christian control. The concept of the Holy Land gained prominence alongside the Crusades. Penitential pilgrimage to Jerusalem had grown increasingly popular from the 10th and 11th centuries, facilitated by safer routes through Eastern Europe. Jerusalem was regarded as the spiritual and geographical center of the world.
  
» The notion of "Judeo-Christian civilization" is a modern post-World War II construct linked to Holocaust-era developments, Zionism, and the establishment of a settler-colonial entity in Palestine viewed as a latter-day crusader state. «
Complaints about harassment and tolls imposed by Muslim authorities were perceived as outrages justifying intervention. Muslims were often depicted not as adherents of a monotheistic faith but as pagans defiling Christian holy sites. Accounts of Urban II’s speech highlighted the oppression of Eastern Christians, including lurid reports of atrocities, framing the campaign in terms of blood piety and fraternal duty through shared communion. This impulse has been interpreted as an early religious expression of "humanitarian intervention," akin to later doctrines of "responsibility to protect."

"Judeo-Christian" Identity and Contemporary Connections
Contemporary emphasis on protecting "Judeo-Christian heritage," including high-level political pilgrimages to Jerusalem and alignment with military control over holy sites, reflects continuities with the crusading spirit. The notion of "Judeo-Christian civilization" is a modern post-World War II construct linked to Holocaust-era developments, Zionism, and the establishment of a settler-colonial entity viewed as a latter-day crusader state.

In the medieval period, Jews faced repeated violence during Crusades, often linked rhetorically with Muslims as joint enemies of Christ. The discovery of Islam as a sophisticated monotheistic rival civilization intensified theological and geopolitical tensions, contributing to the erosion of earlier Augustinian tolerance toward Jews. Crusading logic intertwined the roots of antisemitism and Islamophobia.
 
Biblical narratives were reinterpreted with Latin Christians, particularly the Franks, cast as the new chosen people tasked with restoring a holy kingdom. Protestant developments, including Christian Zionism and restorationist doctrines, further adapted these frameworks. Zionism itself offered a pathway for Jewish assimilation into European projects by relocating populations as settler-colonizers.
 
Crusades, Colonialism, and Genocide
The fundamental drive of European expansion eastward, though ultimately unsuccessful in the Holy Land due to sustained resistance, redirected westward. The colonial enterprise can be understood as an extension of the Crusades, achieving in the Americas and beyond what failed in the East through large-scale displacement and destruction of indigenous populations.
 
The Mediterranean served as a laboratory for techniques later applied in the Atlantic world: sugar plantations attempted in Palestine and Cyprus, extensive slave trading by Genoese merchants, and practices of conquest and settlement. Christopher Columbus drew on Joachite apocalyptic traditions rooted in 12th- and 13th-century Franciscan thought, viewing his voyages as advancing the restoration of Jerusalem to Christian hegemony.
 
Structures, institutions, and practices forged in the crusading era provided a paradigm for civilizational expansion combining material gain, conquest, and religious mission. This history demonstrates how genocidal methods became embedded within Western approaches to expansion. The modern State of Israel is regarded as the last major European settler-colonial project, sharing characteristics with the earlier crusader states and commanding broad Western elite support as a collective endeavor. 
 
Contemporary events, including open invocations of crusading rhetoric by leaders and coordinated international actions, illustrate a millennium-long pattern of obsession with the East. Resistance in the region continues to frustrate these ambitions, echoing dynamics from eight centuries ago.
 
Islamophobia as a Structuring Paradigm
Islamophobia functions as a central structuring element in Western political culture, framing existential rivalry with Muslims as irreconcilable. Anti-immigrant narratives gain coherence within this longer historical frame. While crusading history receives emphasis, periods of diversity and cosmopolitanism under Muslim rule—such as in Al-Andalus—receive less attention. Though hierarchical, those societies generally respected life, property, and religious practice in ways that contrasted with the internal transformations of the crusading society. Understanding these deep historical roots is essential for addressing contemporary patterns and avoiding their perpetuation.
 
Reference:
Adnan A. Husain is Associate Professor of History and Director of the School of Religion at Queen's University in Kingston, Ontario. A specialist in Medieval Mediterranean and Islamic World history, he received his Ph.D. (1998), M.A. (1992), and B.A. (1991) from the University of California, Berkeley. His research examines cross-cultural and inter-religious encounters among Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the Mediterranean (10th–15th centuries), focusing on religious culture, polemic, mysticism, the Crusades, and their modern legacies in Islamophobia, antisemitism, and settler colonialism. Among his other works, he is the author of the forthcoming monograph Identity Polemics: Encounters with Islam in the Medieval Mediterranean World (1150–1300). He also hosts a website on Medieval Mediterranean and Islamic World History, and The Adnan Husain Show on YouTube.
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Friday, May 8, 2026

From Nazi Race Theory to Today’s Russophobia | Constantin von Hoffmeister

Europe's history has become a battlefield of lies where the Western powers twist facts to fuel their obsessive Russophobia. They equate liberators with aggressors and cast Russia as the eternal enemy, all to justify their proxy war against the heart of Eurasia. This serves their ambition, not the truth. Real understanding requires confronting the brutal Nazi Eastern project and recognizing its direct continuation in today's Western crusade against Russia.

April 30, 1945: Soviet soldiers raise the Red Flag atop the Reichstag in Berlin.

The past of Europe lies before us like an open book, yet petty men rip its pages in a vulgar shouting match, hurling one crime against another as if the mountain of horrors could cancel itself out and leave truth untouched. This path leads only to darkness. What matters is the shape of the ideas themselves
the maps of power, the theories of blood, and the savage dreams of empirethat drove nations before the guns thundered. To see our way forward, we must stare without flinching at the plans and words that existed before the smoke of total war swallowed everything.

At the center is the Second World War, a cataclysm that remade the continent in fire and ruin. It did not erupt from nothing. It sprang from cold ideological programs and strategic visions created years earlier, each carrying its own brutal blueprint for Europe's future. The Eastern Front became the true heart of the struggle, where rival systems collided with steel and with fanatical doctrines of race, territory, and destiny. Any serious reckoning with Europe's past and future must begin here, where theory turned into organized slaughter and abstract creeds spilled real rivers of blood.
 
2025 Victory Day Parade, held on May 9 in Red Square, Moscow, honoring the 80th
anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II in Europe.
 
Modern discourse has abandoned an honest examination for cheap myth-making. Twentieth-century figures and governments are stripped of context and recast as cartoon emblems of power, villainy, or resistance. These symbolic lies flood online spaces, turning history into a circus of identity, emotion, and aesthetic posturing. Real analysis cuts through the fog and returns to what was written, planned, and executed, basing every judgment on hard documents rather than fevered fantasy.

The central truth of that age stands naked and hideous: the Eastern program formed the black heart of the Nazis' geopolitical vision. 
Generalplan Ost spelled it out with machine-like brutality: a vast apparatus for the transformation of Eastern Europe through expulsion, slave labor, and the systematic mass death of Slavic populations. It called for the deportation or outright elimination of some 30 to 45 million Slavs, the seizure of their fertile lands, and the resettlement of ethnic German colonists in their place, forcing the survivors into permanent serfdom. These policies were a settled doctrine long before the war erupted. They filled secret memoranda, planning papers, and strategic outlines that declared one merciless purpose: to carve a colonial empire out of the living bodies of other European peoples, and to install a racial hierarchy of masters and 'subhumans.'

 
Nazi language itself was a weapon of conquest. Slavs appeared in their texts only as barriers to be smashed, vermin to be cleared, raw material to be worked to death or discarded. Eastern Europe they named Lebensraumliving spacea territory marked for conquest, massacres, and a total reordering under German domination. The Nazis modeled their design openly on earlier Western empires: the cold administration Britain forced onto India, the ruthless westward march of the United States that exterminated native peoples. Thus the logic of Western colonialism turned inward and devoured Europe itself, reducing millions of fellow Europeans to helots in a new racial order.

In the contemporary liberal West, a foul equivalence flourishes, placing the Soviet Union and the Third Reich on the same moral plane as twin totalitarian evils. This lie distorts the facts and erases every trace of responsibility. It ignores the Soviet Union's colossal sacrifice: twenty-seven million dead. The Soviet Union bore the main burden of the land war, shattered the Nazi war machine, and tore open the road to Europe's liberation from a supremacist regime. That sacrifice was decisive. To smear these distinct realities into one stain weakens all judgment in the present. This grotesque revisionism arms today's Russophobes with a convenient myth that delegitimizes the very power which broke the back of fascism. It prepares the intellectual ground for fresh aggression against Russia, the direct heir and guardian of that victory.
 
Colonisation of Eastern Europe, carried out through systematic genocide, extermination, 
massacre, mass starvation, chattel labour, mass rape, child abduction, and sexual slavery.
 
This same venomous spirit rages ever more strongly, sharper and more hysterical since the Ukraine conflict started. The Western powers have unleashed a pathological Russophobia, painting Russia as the eternal Asiatic barbarian that must be broken at all costs. Western media and governments treat the Russian people with the same colonial contempt once reserved for all Slavs. They shrugged or made excuses for the Odessa burnings of May 2, 2014, when dozens of men and women were trapped in the Trade Unions House and burned alive for the crime of opposing the Western-sponsored Maidan coup. Flames consumed the victims while Western-backed forces watched and cheered. The same Western powers now arm the Ukrainian forces and whitewash every atrocity committed against the Russian population. 

The continuity is unmistakable and damning. The Nazi racial hierarchy has merely changed its vocabulary. Today it speaks in the smooth language of "European values," a so-called "rules-based order," and "universal norms" while pursuing the identical goal: the subjugation, fragmentation, and destruction of the East so that the global hegemon may rule without challenge. Russia, the vast heartland, now occupies the exact place once assigned to the Slav on Nazi maps. This is no coincidence but the direct heir of that old colonial hatred, now dressed in humanitarian rhetoric and enforced by sanctions and proxy armies. The burning of Odessa and the shelling of the Donbass are fresh monuments to the same spirit that once drew up Generalplan Ost. The Western powers cannot tolerate a strong, sovereign Russia at the center of the Eurasian landmass, for its very existence refutes their claim to universal rule.

» The West would do well to remember how the Second World War truly ended. «

A healthy future rejects this madness with contempt. Stability arises only through open recognition of plurality. A multipolar order grants every great civilization its rightful space. Russia is the indispensable pole of Eurasia, anchoring a continental balance that prevents any single power from strangling the world. The lessons of the past are merciless: ideologies that elevate one people by crushing another breed only endless war and ruin. Europe and Eurasia form one organic body linked by geography, history, and heritage. True strength lies in their unbreakable union from Lisbon to Vladivostok, not in fresh crusades launched from Washington and Brussels against the Russian core.

The West would do well to remember how the Second World War truly ended. No Allied nation suffered even a fraction of what the Soviet Union endured. Russia's way of remembrance is superior: it honors the veterans, lifts their deeds into the present, and binds them to the living Russian state. It gives them the honor their sacrifice deserves, for without their victory the Russian nation itself would not exist today.
 

 Anka Feldhusen, a fine example of a German Neonazi apparatchik of the 21st century: According
to Ukrainian high-rank officials, one of the "most effective" ambassadors of Germany to Ukraine.

May 9 in Moscow is a ritual of state and commemoration. The Victory Parade on Red Square presents a clear message: the nation survived and remembers why. The past is not recalled as nostalgia but as a foundation for present strength. The meaning lies in continuity. The Soviet banners, the formations, and the repeated gestures all point to a single fact: a society that endured destruction and reorganized itself through collective effort. The participants come from across the countryKazan, Buryatia, Dagestan, Arkhangelskand they appear together in a single formation. Each group retains its identity. Each contributes to a shared structure built on common sacrifice. The battles of Stalingrad, Kursk, and Berlin define that structure. They form the basis of a unity that rests on experience rather than abstraction. The parade demonstrates a principle: diversity organized within a stable order produces cohesion. It does not dissolve difference. It directs it.
 
» The source of all ills and evil in the history of humanity. «
  
This principle extends into the present form of the Russian state. The Soviet heritage did not simply disappear; it transformed. The current structure combines elements drawn from different periodsimperial administration, Soviet discipline, religious symbolism, and ethnic plurality. It does not rely on a single ideology. It operates through continuity and adaptation. The memory of the Soviet soldier functions as a binding force across generations. Symbols such as the ribbon of Saint George reinforce this continuity. They connect past sacrifice to present identity. In this framework, loss becomes part of a longer process of recovery and consolidation. 
Lydia Spivak, a young Red Army junior sergeant, gracefully directs traffic with dance-like movements at Berlin's Brandenburg Gate—days after the city's fall—becoming an iconic symbol of Soviet victory.
Western observers often interpret these forms as theatrical. Their own nations show a different condition, where shared memory weakens and identity fragments into competing claims. Russia moves in the opposite direction. It organizes identity through common experience and preserved memory. This difference explains the persistent conflict between Russia and the liberal West. One seeks to standardize through universal models. The other maintains a structure based on plurality within unity. The continued existence of this model challenges the idea that a single global octopus can define political and cultural life. Victory Day expresses that challenge in concrete form. It states that a multiethnic state, built on shared sacrifice and maintained through continuity, can endure and define itself on its own terms. 
 
 
 
 » Germany never fully denazified nor was
this ever even sincerely attempted. «
 
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While Paris celebrated the defeat of Nazism on May 8, 1945, the French army was massacring Algerians in Sétif, Guelma, and Kherrata: Mobilized by the French themselves to hail Hitler’s defeat, Algerians marched waving Algerian flags to remind France of its promise of independence. General Raymond Duval ordered troops to "shoot anyone carrying an Algerian flag," and through June 26, 1945, French forces slaughtered 45,000 Algerian civilians (see also HERE). During the ensuing War of Independence against France (1954–1962), 1.5 million Algerians were killed.

Tuesday, December 16, 2025

The Psychology of Revolution | Gustave Le Bon

In his 1913 analysis of The Psychology of Revolution, French physician and polymath Gustave Le Bon (1841-1931) argues that "political revolutions" are abrupt upheavals driven primarily by "affective and mystic elements" rather than "rational discourse," which he attributes to the "erosion of established traditions" and the "contagious spread of discontent."
 
"A revolution is effected from above, that is, by the leaders of the old regime; but when it is victorious it is rapidly vulgarised, because the people interferes and applies the only means in its power—violence. To destroy is within its scope; to reconstruct is beyond it. [...] The instinctive soul of the people is above all remarkable for its extreme mobility. Deceived by its own chimeras, it enthusiastically applauds its idols of a day, to overthrow them the next day in favour of others. No gods ever long survived its favour. This mobility renders the people credulous and ignorant at the same time. 
 
By the mere fact that he forms part of an organised crowd, a man descends several rungs in the ladder of civilisation. Isolated, he may be a cultivated individual; in a crowd, he is a barbarian — that is, a creature acting by instinct. He possesses the spontaneity, the violence, the ferocity, and also the enthusiasm and heroism of primitive beings, whom he further tends to resemble by the facility with which he allows himself to be impressed by words and images — which would be entirely without action on each of the isolated individuals composing the crowd — and to be induced to commit acts contrary to his most obvious interests and his best-known habits. An individual in a crowd is a grain of sand amid other grains of sand, which the wind stirs up at will.
»
 An individual in a crowd is a grain of sand, which the wind stirs up at will. « 
 
Le Bon argues that during political revolutions, individuals are driven more by inherent character traits than by intellect, with certain mentalities rising to prominence amid chaos:
  
[...] We have seen in all times apostles arise who have had an irresistible influence over the popular mind by cultivating its instincts and speaking its language. The people always follows them with enthusiasm, whether they be ignorant fanatics, hard and upright logicians, ferocious maniacs, or eloquent speakers. Whatever their aims, the leaders of the people are obliged to enter into reciprocity with it, to recognise its psychology, even if they do not share its sentiments. They must be in communion with it, or they will not act upon it. 
 
We have seen in all times apostles arise who have had an irresistible influence over the popular mind by cultivating its instincts and speaking its language. The people always follows them with enthusiasm, whether they be ignorant fanatics, hard and upright logicians, ferocious maniacs, or eloquent speakers.
»
The people loves equality, but it respects titles and prestige. «
 
[...] When a political party triumphs, all the forces of interest, ambition, and hatred which parties contain become enlisted in its service, so that the triumph of a political revolution is always accompanied by a complete overthrow of all the institutions of a country. The chief result of a revolution is to sweep away the forces which held together the edifice of government, which was perhaps already tottering, and to substitute for them nothing but the will of the victors, which is for that reason all-powerful. 
 
We have seen in all times apostles arise who have had an irresistible influence over the popular mind by cultivating its instincts and speaking its language. The people always follows them with enthusiasm, whether they be ignorant fanatics, hard and upright logicians, ferocious maniacs, or eloquent speakers.
»
 
Irresistible influence over the popular mind. «
  
[....] A revolution cannot change the soul of a people. This soul commands, and all must obey. It is for this reason that after a revolution the laws and institutions of a people are so often in contradiction with the interests of the new rulers, and also with the prescriptions of pure reason. But presently the laws are modified or abrogated, until they are more or less adapted to necessities. When the dogma which serves as the base of a revolution is victorious, the dissociated social elements which have resulted from the destruction of the old institutions become agglomerated under the action of new ideas."

Le Bon dissects the role of "the people" in such revolutions, distinguishing between the "conservative majority" and a "subversive minority" prone to violence. He argues that the masses are often manipulated and contribute mainly through destructive acts rather than constructive change:
 
"1. The Meaning of the Word 'People:' The term 'people' represents merely the superior portion of a nation. It comprises an elite: the nobility, clergy, magistrates, etc. By extension it was applied to the whole nation, and finally it has come to mean the most inferior elements of the population, the lower populace. We shall examine it in this last sense, and shall show what part the people plays in revolutions. From the political point of view the people may be considered in two aspects—as an army and as a crowd. As an organised army it plays the part of follower. As a crowd it is often revolutionary. 
 
(3) By reason of its mobile soul it personifies all its sentiments in a fetich. To become the master of the people one must know how to dazzle it, be able to make it hope, and if necessary know how to deceive it.
»
To become the master of the people one must know how to dazzle it. « 
 
2. How the People regards Revolutions: The revolutions are sometimes regarded with favour by the people, because they represent the triumph of its claims. But the people quickly becomes indifferent, and seeks only tranquility. It is always the people that suffers in revolutions, for it pays the cost in blood and poverty. It is for this reason that it often acclaims the return of a master. 
 
"A revolution is effected from above, that is, by the leaders of the old regime; but when it is victorious it is rapidly vulgarised, because the people interferes and applies the only means in its power—violence. To destroy is within its scope; to reconstruct is beyond it.
» To destroy is within its scope; to reconstruct is beyond it. «
  
3. The Psychology of Revolutionary Crowds: The revolutionary crowd is formed of transitory elements, recruited from all classes, but chiefly from the instinctive and criminal categories. It is the crowd that acclaims or murders kings, and whose violence has always been the principal factor of revolutions. The psychology of revolutionary crowds shows us that they possess the ordinary mental characteristics of all crowds: contagion, unconsciousness, exaggerated sentiments, intolerance, etc. They are above all remarkable for their credulity and their docility towards their leaders. 
4. The Part of the Leaders in Popular Movements: Although the people in rebellion generally begins by destroying everything, it soon grows weary of anarchy, and instinctively seeks a leader. It loves equality, but it respects titles and prestige. It was thus that all the great popular movements—those of the Reformation, the Revolution, etc.—were effected under the guidance of leaders. 
  
We have seen in all times apostles arise who have had an irresistible influence over the popular mind by cultivating its instincts and speaking its language. The people always follows them with enthusiasm, whether they be ignorant fanatics, hard and upright logicians, ferocious maniacs, or eloquent speakers. Whatever their aims, the leaders of the people are obliged to enter into reciprocity with it, to recognise its psychology, even if they do not share its sentiments. They must be in communion with it, or they will not act upon it.
 » The people always follows apostles with enthusiasm. «

[...] From the preceding considerations we may draw the following conclusions: (1) The people, by reason of its instinctive soul, accepts without discussion the ideas presented to it. (2) By reason of its sentimental soul it incarnates these ideas in leaders, to whom it often delegates the direction of its destinies. (3) By reason of its mobile soul it personifies all its sentiments in a fetich. To become the master of the people one must know how to dazzle it, be able to make it hope, and if necessary know how to deceive it. (4) Finally, the leader must possess prestige, speak in images, incessantly repeat the same ideas in different terms, and know how to act by persuasion and never by reasoning." 
 
Le Bon further elaborates on the role of leaders and contagion in precipitating political revolutions, noting that discontent alone is insufficient without amplification through suggestion: 
 
"The role of the leader in all revolutions is very considerable. He does not create the beliefs which provoke them, but he directs them. Without him they would often remain latent and ineffectual. Although the revolution which overthrew the Bourbon dynasty was ripe, we know from the memoirs of contemporaries that without the prestige of Lafayette it would probably have remained nothing but a local riot. Whenever a revolution breaks out in one point of a territory, we see similar revolutions breaking out in succession in all the countries which surround it, even when communication is difficult. It was thus that in 1848 all Europe was inflamed by the revolutionary conflagration, and was shaken by it in spite of the slowness and difficulty of communication."
 
Le Bon finally examines the outcomes of political revolutions as often involving the establishment of new power structures, persecutions, and limited social transformations:
 
"Contrary to what occurred in religious revolutions, political revolutions show us merely peoples adapting themselves to new conditions of existence. We have already seen that this adaptation is effected by means of slow successive evolutions, which render violent revolutions useless. [...] The results of political revolutions being merely displacements of wealth and the triumph of certain classes, we may conclude, contrary to the general opinion, that they have been without psychological significance. They strike the imagination because they are accompanied by much violence, and blood flows in streams.
 
»
 
Contagion, unconsciousness, exaggerated sentiments, intolerance, etc. «
 
But when we look a little closer we soon find that the economic or social changes which result from them are very slight. The importance of political revolutions must not, however, be exaggerated. They sometimes cost a country very dear, although they change nothing in respect of its natural conditions. It is especially when they involve disastrous wars that their results are most pernicious." 
 
Reference:
 
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